Istanbul 6th Criminal Court of Peace, in its decision, the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office 2014/79864 - 2021/135880 S.K. He evaluated the appeal against the "no place for investigation" decision. In the decision, it was stated that the Constitutional Court restarted the investigation concerning violence against journalist Gökhan Biçici in 2013 which led to no investigation due to the expiry of the statute of limitations." Evaluating that the statute of limitations was "contrary to procedure and legislation", the court accepted Gökhan Biçici's objection and decided to "revoke the decision not to prosecute". The said decision was returned to the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office, together with the investigation file. The first hearing of the case, which was opened at the 48th Criminal Court of First Instance with the indictment prepared by the Office of the Chief Public Prosecutor, will be held on 30 June 2022.

"The police violence I was subjected to in Istanbul's Şişli on June 16, 2013 during the Gezi Park protests, despite all efforts to protect the police with a shield of impunity, is finally the subject of trial, exactly nine years after, as a result of our persistent legal follow-up. The trial process, which started again with the decision of the Constitutional Court on violation of rights in September 2021, finally turned into a lawsuit, and on June 30, the trial of the policemen who used violence against me will begin."

BİÇİCİ: NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE SHIELD OF IMPUNITY

dokuz8NEWS Editor-in-Chief Gökhan Biçici commented on the decision, "At a time when some of our friends who were prominent figures during Gezi Park protests were sentenced to long years in prison unlawfully, this decision may not even be a consolation, it is our common wish that our friends be freed immediately. The initiation of the prosecution of a group of police officers and their superiors is an important development as it intensifies and breaks the ongoing impunity shield."

Emphasizing that the first hearing to be held on 30 June represents a new phase in their legal struggle for nine years, Biçici expressed that this phase will not be easy, and that the trial process will be attempted to be delayed. Gökhan Biçici said, "They will try to protect the police who are perpetrators of violence. If this is not possible, they will try to cover up the role of the political will that encourages these perpetrators of violence and even sends them against the people and journalists with specific instructions," adding that they are also prepared for a long new legal struggle process. 

Biçici continued his words as follows: "The point that should not be forgotten is that this case is not about the violence that a group of police officers have perpetrated against me arbitrarily. This case is against the systematic attacks on the freedom of press and expression, which continued increasingly during and after Gezi Park protests. It will be a case of defending the freedom of the people and the right to access information. When the issue is handled in this dimension, I also think that this case can play the role of an icebreaker at a time when Turkey is advancing towards a new political period, albeit painfully. We are aware of this and no matter how many years it takes, no matter how long. We will not hesitate to follow this process until the end, no matter how difficult it may be. At this point, of course, we need the support of our friends, professional press organizations, human rights institutions and the entire democratic public."

RSF: “COMFORTABLE, BUT…”

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Turkey Representative and Bianet Media Freedom Rapporteur Erol Önderoğlu said that the fact that journalist Gökhan Biçici was able to bring the responsible police to court almost a decade after he was battered and taken into custody, "is comforting but also leaves a bitter taste on the palate". "The file shows that, as in the Beyza Kural decision, without the Constitutional Court conviction of the prosecutors' offices, violence against journalists is not investigated effectively and impunity is practiced as a rule. Fortunately, the fact that journalists do not tolerate injustice and the Constitutional Court's effective position in this sense makes the arbitrary police interventions visible to media representatives," said Önderoğlu, adding that it is not expected that the responsible public officials will be severely punished in the long process that the government and some public institutions are involved in the threat environment on journalists."

TGS: “RESULT OF LEGAL FOLLOW-UP”

Reminding that nine years have passed since the Gezi Park protests, Gökhan Durmuş, Chairperson of the Journalists' Union of Turkey (TGS), said: "In those days, journalists were trying to do their job under intense assault and pressure. Although nine years have passed, the government's anger and resentment towards the Gezi Park protests has not ceased, and neither has the pressure on journalists. Heavy sentences were given in the Gezi trial just three weeks ago.” Durmuş stated that as a result of the persistent pursuit of Gökhan Biçici, who was attacked by the police during the days of the Gezi Park protests, the assailants would appear before the judge and said, "This was the result of a very important insistence and follow-up. We demand an end to impunity for attacks against journalists and the severest punishment of the assailants."

İHD: THIS CASE PUTS PESSIMISM UNDER SPOTLIGHT

Human Rights Association (İHD) Istanbul Branch Chair Atty. Gülseren Yoleri, on the other hand, stated that this decision revealed two situations: "One; that the thickness of the armor of impunity in crimes committed by state security officials and that the judiciary is instrumentalized by removing it from the law in the practice of impunity... Two; No matter how thick this armor is, it can be pierced through persistent struggle."

Yoleri, who stated that in thousands of similar cases, after appealing the decisions of non-prosecution, the legal process was not followed with the idea that "However, the perpetrators will not be punished", continued her words as follows: "Concerning this case, it is also important in terms of questioning this pessimism and related inaction. On the one hand, significant progress has been made, on the other hand, there is still a long way to go until the day when the perpetrators will receive the punishment they deserve. Continue to struggle."

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL: “WE WILL BE AT THE COURT”

Tarık Beyhan, Amnesty International's Campaigns and Communications Director in Turkey, said that it is positive that the police violence that Gökhan Biçici was subjected to, will be brought before the court, but that it is sad that it took nine years. "The effort made a month ago to unlawfully convict civil society people who were not associated with a single crime should have been made to bring those who perpetrated violence against peaceful protesters in Gezi Park and journalists like Biçici to justice," said Beyhan. The organization stressed that it would be in court to observe the trial.

GÖKHAN BİÇİCİ CASE: WHAT HAD HAPPENED?

Journalist Gökhan Biçici was taken into custody after being handcuffed and beaten by the police while he was lying on the ground in fetal position, while he was following the Gezi Park Protests on 16 June 2013. Despite Gökhan Biçici's criminal complaint, which was kept on hold, a decision was made that there was "no basis for investigation."

In its decision, the Constitutional Court emphasized that "there is no record or image showing that the applicant personally resorted to violence or resisted law enforcement" and that "there was no evidence that would lead us to think that physical force was used due to the applicant's own attitude", paving the way for the resumption of the legal process. Although Biçici stated that he could "identify these people", the Constitutional Court considered "the fact that the investigation was not initiated ex officio and immediately, sufficient effort was not made for the investigation, and the identity information of the law enforcement officers could not be identified in the available footage" as a violation of rights. The decision of the Constitutional Court thus paved the way for the resumption of the legal process.

In the scope of the research, a four-pillar methodology was developed to classify the content removal orders by topic of the news article, by the position of the actors/complainants mentioned in the news article, by the justifications cited in removal requests, and by the organizations receiving the request.

NEWS ON CORRUPTION AND IRREGULARITIES ARE REMOVED

Within the scope of the research, the first year of Social Media Law was examined and a total of 1197 content removal orders were reviewed. The majority of these requests were placed to remove news articles about ‘corruption and irregularities’ (675 items) and ‘misconduct’ (466 items).

According to data, 1080 out of 1197 takedown orders were based on the ‘violation of personal rights’. While businesspeople are standing out in this topic, this group is followed by companies, ministers, and senior bureaucrats.

In the scope of this research, a total of 36 news outlets were monitored. Among them, Cumhuriyet, received by far the highest number of content removal orders with 144 items, which was followed by BirGün Daily with 129 items and  ODA TV with 98 items.

“REMOVING CONTENT DOES NOT REMOVE THE IRREGULARITIES”

BirGün Daily Editorial Coordinator İbrahim Varlı, commenting on the report, stated that the reason why BirGün Daily received this many content removal orders is that they expose the illegal actions of the government:

"Why do you think so much content was removed from BirGün Daily? Because BirGün carries out quality journalism, exposes the entire network of corrupt and shady relations of the government; cracks down the tender frauds, discloses the corruptions and irregularities. Since it fearlessly addresses all of these issues, and they are linked to so many things, the government's crony businesspeople, bureaucrats, ministers, and deputies; all of them, even from the smallest local court, can get an order to remove such content. But in reality, ‘content removal’ does not mean that these corruptions and irregularities are not conducted. The research you have carried out is a nice study which we wish to see more often in the media. It fills a crucial space, a void, it corresponds to it. One way or another, these dark days shall pass. And this study, which will serve a valuable part in the future, will have filled an important gap."

ODA TV Editor in Chief Can Özçelik stated the MEDAR’s report takes a picture of the situation Turkey is currently facing:

"The Media Research Association revealed the repercussions of the Social Media Law on media. The number of news articles removed from the online news portals and the subject of these removed articles is striking… ODA TV, apart from the newspapers, is the most censored media organ in terms of news sites… Well, what is the subject of these news articles? Mostly corruption… This data, reported by the Media Research Association, also takes a picture of the country’s political atmosphere. ODA TV will continue to carry out free and independent journalism, against this media structure and political climate; ODA TV will not abandon the truth."

THE LAW SHOULD GUARANTEE THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS

The research report offers some policy recommendations, stating that some measures should be taken to change the situation in favor of people, increase digital liberation, and strengthen democracy:

Authorities should create advisory boards to bring together all affected parties and to initiate a comprehensive, open deliberation process.

Independent auditing bodies should be created to analyze the impact of the Social Media Law, in order to gather tangible data to lay a basis for the legislative process.

All parts of the society should be included in the legislative process via advisory boards and auditing bodies, and the Social Media Law should be collectively revised to make sure it effectively guarantees fundamental rights and freedom of speech.

You can access MEDAR’s full report here.

dokuz8ACADEMY HAS BEEN ANNOUNCED 

In parallel with the event, distance education videos of dokuz8ACADEMY started to be broadcast. The videos can be accessed at the address dokuz8akademi.net. You can watch the video about dokuz8NEWS of Editor-in-Chief Gökhan Biçici from this link. dokuz8ACADEMY will also prepare and publish election-oriented training videos. Moreover, the publicity campaign of dokuz8ACADEMY is starting on Monday, October 11. 

BOTH CELEBRATION AND THE NEW PROJECTS 

Speaking at the event, dokuz8NEWS Editor-in-Chief Gökhan Biçici emphasized that dokuz8NEWS is a unique platform in Turkey that combines the dynamism of citizen journalism with the experience of journalism from the very first moment. Biçici said, “We have left behind a difficult period,” and emphasized that dokuz8NEWS started its broadcasting life on March 30, 2014, on a day when the local election was held, and that it has not been easy coming to these days, and talked about the new period projects. Biçici gave information about the studies of dokuz8TV, dokuz8RADIO, and dokuz8PAPER, as well as the dokuz8ACADEMY, the establishment of which was announced, and he explained the preparations for the 2023 election.

Stating that they are the media organization that has organized the most training sessions in the last seven years, Gökhan Biçici said, “Perhaps it was these training activities that kept the dokuz8 alive and brought it into these days. These works were also organizational works. The training sessions allowed dokuz8 to build itself. It currently has a network like no other in Turkey. As a result of all the experience, we are announcing the establishment of dokuz8ACADEMY today.”

ELECTION 2023 LOCAL MEDIA COORDINATION

Gökhan Biçici gave good news as Turkey is going through a very critical election process. Biçici explained that they formed a Local Media Coordination with the participation of more than 100 local media organizations at first hand and said, “Whether the election is in 6 months or 1.5 years, all of which are very close dates, our goal is to place at least one local journalist in each district. Therefore, on the election day, there will be around 1000 journalists across Turkey who will watch the election. We are in preparation to not condemn this society to the Anadolu Agency. We are establishing the Election 2023 Local Media Coordination.” Emphasizing that the architects of this work were also at the event, Gökhan Biçici said, “Local Media Coordination, citizen journalist-supported local media coordination will start to take bigger steps from now on, with the next election being the concrete target. We will start to make this more visible as of today.”

"A BUSY PERIOD IS BEGINNING AND IT IS WAITING FOR US"

Biçici said that they envisioned a nationwide news network, Local Media Coordination and dokuz8ACADEMY to support and develop capacity, and made the following assessments: “A busy period begins and awaits us. We have survived many difficulties in 7.5 years, we have left difficult times behind, but we have never stopped. ‘I have bad news, what we have experienced up to now was the trailer, compared to the next 2-3 years,’ I said before. A period awaits us when what we experienced before will only be as meaningful as a trailer. Turkey is entering a kind of campaign period that will start symbolically on October 29, 2021, and end on October 29, 2023; how this period will turn out depends on the efforts of each of us, including the people here. Turkey is entering the period of the most intense political struggle in its entire history. We are talking about a period when the opposition took the stage and became the playmaker. This will also be a period when the media debate in Turkey will be reopened and rebuilt.” Biçici emphasized that dokuz8NEWS will be one of the founding subjects of this period in which the media will also be rebuilt.

"WE TOOK THE INSPIRATION FROM DOKUZ8"

Adana BirbuçukTV Editor-in-Chief Armağan Kabaklı, one of the journalists in the Local Media Coordination, took the floor after Gökhan Biçici. Explaining that local media pay a huge price, Kabaklı said, “We have both quantity and quality problems in media. dokuz8 comes into play here, and the training sessions it provided became one of its most important activities. If I am a journalist who remains in the pluralistic structure of the media while being an unemployed and objectionable infantry journalist, I owe this to dokuz8, to the inspiration we got from dokuz8 and the contributions of The Journalists' Union of Turkey (TGS) Graffiti Editor-in-Chief Ali Taş from Antalya emphasized that they are faced with a reality in which people’s right to be informed has disappeared, and said, “I think dokuz8 fills a large gap with all the tools they use. I am very happy to be a part of this.” Local journalist Cevriye Coşkun Kayış from Bursa, and dokuz8 correspondent Fatoş Erdoğan also talked about their meeting with dokuz8NEWS and their journalism activities. Prof. Dr. Özgür Karcıoğlu and Lecturer Güventürk Görgülü, who has been involved in every project since its establishment, also mentioned the importance of alternative media and the dokuz8 in their speeches.

"DOKUZ8 WILL PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN ELECTIONS"

HumanRights Expert Murat Çekiç, who attended the event and whose opinions we consulted, said that dokuz8 not only produced news in 7.5 years but also spent a lot of effort to train citizen journalists. Çekiç said, “We hear the news from İstanbul and Ankara in the mainstream, even in the internet media. dokuz8 is trying to inform us where the news took place. So it will also play an important role in helping us learn what happens at the local level during the election process.” Assoc. Dr. Tevfik Sönmez Küçük emphasized that dokuz8 will play an important role in ensuring the transparency of the election, especially in social media, in terms of independent and impartial news. 

Journalist and writer Doğan Satmış also reminded that newspapers and many media organs were closed and said that initiatives such as dokuz8 were successful in filling the gap. Satmış said, "The success of these initiatives means the success of independent journalism. If there were no organizations like dokuz8, we would have a lot of trouble in getting the news."

Lawyer Kemal Aytaç emphasized that everyone who calls themselves a citizen, should support this struggle that pursues the truth. SODEV President Ertan Aksoy, on the other hand, stated that the importance of the media has increased in countries like Turkey that are going through authoritarian periods, and said, "In this context, dokuz8 has vital importance. I find it remarkable that it is innovative, catches the time and its objective content."

Governments around the world are increasingly asserting their authority over technology platforms, forcing businesses to comply with censorship and surveillance and contributing to an 11th consecutive year of global decline in internet freedom, according to Freedom on the Net 2021, the annual country-by-country assessment of internet freedom released on September 21 by Freedom House. The report also found that internet freedom in Turkey had a score decline.

Global norms shifted dramatically toward greater state intervention in the digital sphere over the past year. Of the 70 states covered by Freedom on the Net 2021, 48 pursued legal or administrative action against technology companies. Some measures reflected legitimate attempts to mitigate online harms, rein in misuse of data, or end manipulative market practices. Many governments, however, proposed new policies that obliged businesses to remove content and share personal data with authorities, at great cost to free expression, privacy, and public accountability.

This change in the balance of power between companies and states has come amid a historic crackdown on freedom of expression online. In 56 countries, officials arrested or convicted people for their online speech. Governments suspended internet access in at least 20 countries, and 21 states blocked access to social media platforms, most often during times of political turmoil such as protests and elections. Authorities in at least 45 countries are suspected of obtaining sophisticated spyware or data-extraction technology from private vendors.

Internet freedom plummeted by 14 points in Myanmar—the largest annual decline ever recorded on Freedom on the Net’s 100-point scale—after the military refused to accept the results of the November 2020 general elections and launched a deadly coup in February 2021. Electoral disputes also led to major internet freedom declines in Belarus, where authoritarian incumbent Alyaksandr Lukashenka claimed victory in a fraudulent presidential election in August 2020, and Uganda, where authorities shut off the internet and blocked social media platforms during marred general elections in January 2021. In addition, officials in both Myanmar and Belarus sought to silence independent online media by shutting down news outlets and harassing, assaulting, and torturing online journalists. 

Internet freedom continued to decline for a  third year in a row in Turkey. During the coverage period, hundreds of websites were blocked, in some instances under a  new social media law. Online content deemed critical of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) or President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was removed from websites and social media platforms, and online activists, journalists, and social media users were harassed both physically and online for their social media posts. Authorities arrested users of the online platform Clubhouse in response to student-led resistance at Boğaziçi University, targeted LGBT+ activists online, and arrested a prominent opposition party official for allegedly insulting the president. Criminal cases were carried out against those who posted undesirable commentary on social media, and the threat of online surveillance, harassment, and criminal penalties has contributed to the growing practice of self-censorship among internet users in Turkey. The proliferation of restrictive laws has further formalized censorship in the country.

KEY GLOBAL FINDINGS

• Global internet freedom declined for the 11th consecutive year. The greatest deteriorations were documented in Myanmar, Belarus, and Uganda, where state forces cracked down amid electoral and constitutional crises.

• Governments clashed with technology companies on users’ rights. Authorities in at least 48 countries pursued new rules for tech companies on content, data, and competition over the past year. With a few positive exceptions, the push to regulate the tech industry, which stems in some cases from genuine problems like online harassment and manipulative market practices, is being exploited to subdue free expression and gain greater access to private data.

• Free expression online is under unprecedented strain. More governments arrested users for nonviolent political, social, or religious speech than ever before. Officials suspended internet access in at least 20 countries, and 21 states blocked access to social media platforms. Authorities in at least 45 countries are suspected of obtaining sophisticated spyware or data-extraction technology from private vendors.

• State intervention must protect human rights online and preserve an open internet. The emancipatory power of the internet depends on its egalitarian nature. To counter digital authoritarianism, democracies should ensure that regulations enable users to express themselves freely, share information across borders, and hold the powerful to account.

KEY COUNTRY FINDINGS

• In January  2021, a tax on communications services and devices increased from 7.5 to 10 percent, impacting people's ability to afford internet access. 

• In July 2020, the Social Media Regulations Law was passed in parliament and came into effect in October 2020. The law further includes registration requirements for social media companies, forces platforms to remove content within 48 hours, and has troubling data localization provisions.

• The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) —Turkey’s online regulator— cracked down on streaming services by blocking music streaming platform Tidal and requesting Netflix several episodes that included LGBT+ content.

• Hundreds of websites were blocked during the reporting period, including the news outlet Tele1's YouTube account, which was suspended without any explanation. The channel frequently hosts content critical of the government.

• In January 2021, amid the Boğaziçi University resistance, three students were detained after participating in Clubhouse discussions that criticized the ruling party.

• Opposition member of parliament Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu was sentenced to two years and six months in prison after sharing a news article on Twitter.

• In June 2020, opposition party official Canan Kaftancıoğlu was sentenced to nine years in prison for Twitter posts allegedly insulting President  Erdoğan.

• Internet users and journalists faced increasing physical attacks as a result of their online activity. In March 2021, a far-right mob assaulted online journalist Levent  Gültekin, breaking his fingers following comments he made about founder of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party.

Freedom on the Net 2021 assesses internet freedom in 70 countries, accounting for 88 percent of internet users worldwide. The report focused on developments that occurred between June 2020 and May 2021. Global findings, detailed country reports, data on 21 internet freedom indicators, policy recommendations, and report contributors can be found at freedomonthenet.org. The Turkey report can be found here.

Media Research Association’s (MEDAR) Field Researcher Dilek İçten, MEDAR Research Director Yunus Erduran and Coalition for Women in Journalism (CFWIJ) Middle East Coordinator Damla Tarhan have discussed the struggles faced by women journalists in local media and talked about the solution suggestions, under moderation of Journalist Sibel Hürtaş. The discussion was based on the research carried out by İçten and Erduran: “Women Journalists in Local Media”.

108 CASES IN 2021

CFWIJ Middle East Coordinator Damla Tarhan shared the data collected by CFWIJ on the acts of violence against the women journalists. According to the data, while 68 cases were recorded in Turkey throughout 2020, 108 cases have been recorded from the beginning of 2021. “The majority of cases consist of lawsuits. Turkey ranks first in the lawsuits filed against women journalists,” said Tarhan, and added “the rates of police violence against women journalists is also higher this year.”

“WOMEN JOURNALISTS ARE CONSIDERED INCAPABLE OF DOING THEIR JOB”

MEDAR Field Researcher Dilek İçten talked about the obstacles women journalists come across during the job interviews. Women journalists, especially the ones working in local media, are usually asked about their marital status or if they have any children. “These kinds of questions are not asked to male applicants and women are considered incapable of doing their job, ” İçten commented. Aside from that, the ones who manage to find a job are faced gender-based discrimintion in their workplace, İçten stated. “Women journalists work in all areas of the office and are crushed under the disproportionate workload. At some point, they are even held responsible for making tea and coffee, and cleaning the office; works that are assigned to women based on gender roles,” she said.

“COMMUNICATION CHANNELS ARE ABUSED”

“Security concern is a major problem for women journalists. If the person they are going to interview is a man, they go there full of anxiety,” Damla Tarhan stated. Tarhan also added that some women journalists publish their articles anonymously due to the anxiety they experience and protect themselves from harm. “Women journalists who work so hard, become invisible,” she added. In addition to that, Dilek İçten shared the findings of the “Women Journalists in Local Media Report”, which discloses that the major threat faced by women journalists is gender-based harassment and violence from their colleagues, the news sources and the audience. “Communication channels are abused. The phone numbers of women journalists in local media spread in the city and they recieve messages in the middle of the night,” İçten said.

“WE WANT TO DO OUR JOB”

MEDAR Research Director Yunus Erduran stated that there is a family formation in local media organisations which are less institutionalised. He argued that this kind of formation can help women journalists to solve their problems since some of them have a brother-sister relationship with the people they work with. On the other hand, that formation can be an obstacle for women when they want to perform their job. “When a woman journalist establishes her identity, as a woman, as a journalist, and as a ‘woman journalist’ she should be supported and encouraged”, Erduran said. In a similar manner Journalist Sibel Hürtaş said: “Women journalists are not allowed to break their shells professionally. We just want to do our job.”

WHAT SHOULD BE DONE?

MEDAR Research Director Yunus Erduran and MEDAR Field Researcher Dilek İçten discussed the primary steps that should be taken to resolve the problems argued in the report. Erduran emphasized the importance of representation. “Even though there is not any initiative taken in local media to increase the number of women in the management positions, there is such a need,” Erduran said. In addition to that, both of the researchers stated that the legal regulation is a must. “No matter how much representation of women increases, women will always remain as a minority unless there is a legal infrastructure that is based on gender equality in local media organizations,” İçten said.  

/Büşra Ağaç

#dokuz8/Gürkan Özturan

The directive was published with the signature of Mehmet Aktaş banning audiovisual recording of protests and social events and proposes legal action against those who violate the ban.

"BREACH OF PRIVACY"

The published directive claims that the police officers conducting their duties being filmed on camera would violate their privacy as this would also prevent the police from fulfilling their duties. In the directive it is stated "we have notified all our personnel regarding when our personnel is conducting their duties these kind of audiovisual recording would prevent them from fulfilling their duties and this must not be permitted; they should prevent those taking recordings of the protest or action, when the legal conditions are right they must take necessary legal steps to proceed further in legal action."

BANNING CITIZEN JOURNALISM

The directive actively bans citizen journalism that has gained popularity in the last decade primarily through Occupy Gezi Park Protests of 2013 and presented an alternative to the mainstream media that has been actively omitting the news concerning the citizens' street agenda.

SCREENING TORTURE

Contemporary Lawyers Association CHD's Istanbul Branch reacted against the censorship directive: "This directive aims to issue a guarantee for the Ministry of Interior's personnel ahead of May 1 International Workers' Day. If your personnel is recorded while torturing someone, this would be presented as evidence. Once again, your duty is not to torture, it is a crime!" CHD's Ankara Branch also reminded to citizens "we would like to remind you that if you see a crime being committed you can take audiovisual recording as evidence."

Had this directive been in place, the people would have been unable to learn about the police intervention against May 1 observation in İzmir as an officer kneed on a protestor's neck preventing him from breathing.

The scene reminded thousands of people of the murder of George Floyd in the US by a police officer in a similar action.